The article considers the conceptual pair of violence and the sacred as a commonplace (“topos”) of French scientific, philosophical, and religious thought of the 20th–21th centuries and explains why this pair was so relevant and attracted many dissimilar thinkers. Six authors are taken as the main examples: G. Bataille, R. Caillois, R. Girard, E. Levinas, M. Eliade, and J. Kristeva. For analytic purposes, the author identifies three “common factors” that unite them. Firstly, the influence of the French sociological school (Durkheim, Hubert and Moss, Dumezil, Hertz etc.). Among other things, these scholars studied the religious meaning of blood, violent ascetics and sacrifice, conceptualizing violence as a pledge of social cohesion (Durkheim) or as a factor of transition from the profane to the sacred world (Hubert and Moss). Secondly, the ideas of these six thinkers were inspired by real violence, which they tried to comprehend via the concept of the sacred. In particular, their reflection was influenced by the cultural and personal experience of world wars. Third, this conceptual pair is value-charged and used to create a new religion or interpret the existing ones in heterodox way. As starting point for this creative process, Catholic or Orthodox Christianity, Christian atheism, and Judaism are taken. The author concludes that even if this topos is forgotten today, it undoubtedly remains significant for the history of sociology and philosophy, as well as for cultural history.

This article is devoted to the study of the nature of the influence of elections on the risks of revolutionary destabilization. The authors study different approaches to estimating the probability of revolutionary events in an election year. Different types of revolutionary events are distinguished within the framework of the level of political violence. The primary reasons for the activation of the politically active part of the population, both in autocracies and in transitional political regimes, are identified, including the factionalization of elites, the activation of “sleeping” institutions, the growth of political competence among individuals, the consolidation of the pro-democratic opposition and its institutionalization, electoral fraud and other manifestations of unfair political competition, greater emotional involvement of the population in political processes, and so on. The findings support the conclusion that elections promote peaceful revolutionary episodes and reduce the likelihood of armed uprisings. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the influence of elections on the risks of revolutionary destabilization is considered in the regime context. The authors explore how elections affect violent or non-violent revolutionary actions in certain political regimes, according to Jack A. Goldstone’s typology (full autocracies, partial autocracies, factional democracies, partial democracies and full democracies). The authors conclude that holding elections reduces the risks of armed revolutionary destabilization in all types of regimes, except for factional democracies. On the other hand, unarmed revolutionary action is more likely in an election year — in all regime types except full democracies. At the same time, holding elections primarily increases the risks of unarmed revolutionary uprisings in intermediate regimes / anocracies. However, even among anocracies, factional democracies stand out, where in the election year the risks of unarmed (as well as armed) revolutionary episodes increase significantly more than in partial autocracies and in partial non-factional democracies. At the same time, for consolidated democracies, holding elections is a factor that inhibits rather than provokes revolutionary destabilization. In full autocracies, the risk of unarmed revolutionary action increases in an election year, but not as much as in intermediate regimes.

The article analyzes conceptual positions and disagreements among theorists of interdisciplinary childhood studies — a field of knowledge that emerged on the basis of the new sociology of childhood. This movement positioned itself as a paradigm shift in the understanding of childhood, revealing it as a conceptually autonomous area where the active role of children in constructing their own experiences and social relationships should be recognized. The widespread acceptance of the language for talking about childhood proposed by the new paradigm has led to its jargonization, circulation of uncritically repeated banalities, and the lowering of the theoretical stakes. To counter this trend, researchers are trying to reconsider the approaches that dominate their field. At the same time, a careful examination of the theoretical postulates and conceptual apparatus of childhood studies researchers reveals a fundamental divergence that cannot be reduced to methodological or stylistic preferences. In the article, this discrepancy is examined as an antinomy between agency and structure, as well as between an absolutization of the subjective or objective poles of understanding. Using program statements as an example, it is shown how the agent approach in the context of childhood studies differs from the structural approach, as well as what epistemological and political consequences both positions imply. The stake on the agency and autonomy of childhood turns into a fetishization of the ever-elusive authenticity of a child’s voice; in its turn, the structural approach to childhood appears to be trivializing and dogmatic. At the end of the article, an assessment is provided of some attempts to get out of the described theoretical conundrum by the means, on the one hand, of the radical decentralization of childhood, and on the other hand, of a more nuanced description of the interactions between children and social structures.

With the digitalization of the economy and society, varieties of “platform capitalism” appeared in the world. The article presents the first attempt at a critical understanding of the “gig economy” model that is taking shape in contemporary Russia. By problematizing the narratives that dominate foreign studies of platform employment, the author shows the embeddedness of platformization in the current economic system. Unlike countries with a developed market economy, labor platforms in Russia are part of giant platform ecosystems controlled by oligarchic businesses and the state, which, in the course of “creeping nationalization”, increases its influence through ownership and management structures. In key sectors of platform employment, quasi-monopolies are formed with the dominance of one company. In the context of geopolitical tensions, the process of “sovereignization” and the closure of the platform economy is being completed. Having successfully platformized informal labor markets in some sectors, platforms are becoming a tool for the legalization of employment in the hands of the state, driven primarily by fiscal interests. In Russia, a neoliberal model of regulation of the gig economy is being formed based on the legal introduction of the category of ‘self-employed’ in the absence of due attention to labor rights and the social protection of workers. With the strengthening of the authoritarian nature of the state, the possibilities of self-organization and collective defense of the interests of platform workers are blocked. The author concludes that in the Russian model of “platform capitalism”, the state enters an alliance with big capital and consumers against labor: the state strengthens control over the economy and tax revenues, large platform companies use labor at lower costs, and consumers receive cheap services through convenient digital services. The author calls for an integration of the issues of platform capitalism into broader discussions about the Russian model of socio-economic development.

Over the lifetime of Conversation Analysis (CA), scholars have discovered many systems of action organisation (machineries) describing how conversational turns occur, what actions are expected, and how intersubjectivity in conversation is maintained. However, when John Heritage proposed a new machinery that examines the knowledge orientation of participants in interactions, a debate broke out between conversation analysts in which Michael Lynch and his colleagues in radical ethnomethodology descend upon on epistemics. The controversy begins with Lynch accusing Heritage of cognitivism and the extra-situational nature of epistemics, while research on ethnomethodology and conversation analysis has traditionally focused on situated action. The discussion of epistemics points to an internal tension in CA as to where the boundaries of situations lie and what, therefore, can be the focus of CA. This article reactualises the problem of situationality in CA by analysing the arguments in the debate on epistemics. The authors show that epistemics and the debates surrounding it constitute a serious test for CA, revealing a conceptual problem that has hitherto been obscured — the relation and potential hierarchy of different machineries. Turning to the origins of the concept of situationality in the writings of Goffman and Sacks, the authors demonstrate that for opposing sides, the localisation of phenomena within situations is an analytical decision about what can be seen in empirical data. In contrast, distinguishing between the position of the analyst and the participant in the interaction shifts the analyst’s attention to how the machineries become relevant to the interactants, that is, how their omnirelevance is realised. The authors argue that this is a more productive formulation of the question than that of the boundaries of the situation.

While thinkers of the material turn offer new conceptual resources for talking about non-human ontologies, interaction researchers are trying to reassemble the social situation fragmented by telecommunication. Conversation analysts tend to see technical objects in their situation-constitutive role, but they can also disrupt the current projects of the participants whilst remaining “unseen and unnoticed” (e.g. Zoom delays). We propose a conceptualization of the relationship between the participant and the interaction environment as a source of agency, which makes it possible to preserve an emic perspective. We illustrate our thesis by analyzing a case study of interaction between a Deaf and a hearing participant in VRChat.

In this case, virtual pencils that leave durable inscriptions in the air are usedand-answer by participants sequence for and communication demonstrate . thatWe:  analyzethe participants a simple  questiontreat the- inscriptions as material; the hearing participant is less capable of communicating in this space than the Deaf person; the answer to the question is produced jointly due to the instructional work of the Deaf participant. The results allow us to draw the following conclusions about the nature of materiality, agency and communicative competence: 1) the materiality of the environment is not a purely analytical category, but is constructed by the participants in the interaction;  2) the agency of the participants depends on the environment and at the same time has a distributed character; 3) communicative competence is not directly related to the “internal” characteristics of the agent, such as atypicality.

The political teachings of Thomas Hobbes and Carl Schmitt imply fundamental ontological structures that reflect the processes of the genesis, assertion, and destruction of political being. The article investigates similarities and differences between these political projects. The approach applied by the author is marked by a reliance on the theoretical analysis of the Leviathan’s frontispiece and by employing the conceptual framework of Giorgio Agamben’s Homo sacer project. The application of these theoretical optics helps to evaluate the political significance of the present people (the people composed of living human beings) in Hobbes’s and Schmitt’s contexts and to detect the notable difference between the two projects. The article highlights that political existence presupposes the total depoliticization of the present people in the framework of Hobbes’s philosophy. It is argued that the security of the present people’s life becomes an underlying condition for the mentioned construction (and is therefore ontologically significant). The provision of security potentially saves the sovereign’s own life and guarantees recognition by the subjects. An investigation of Schmitt’s teaching reveals the political significance of the present people. Since — according to Schmitt — political will is understood only in the context of political enmity (the necessary “horizon” of which is armed confrontation), it is concluded that the political significance of the present people is closely associated with its members’ readiness to die in the war. Due to the fact that political existence is generated through the decision on the public enemy (in which the present people might be involved via acclamation procedures), the resoluteness toward death that underlies this decision must be considered as the key factor of Carl Schmitt’s political ontology. In light of this statement, it is argued that the project of Martin Heidegger’s Being and Time could be considered as Carl Schmitt’s “unwritten” ontology of the individual being. 

Even though depression has become one of the most common diseases in the world and significantly worsens the quality of life, many people who encounter its symptoms do not seek professional help and remain without treatment. One reason for avoiding medical care for depression could be the fear of stigmatization. Considering the varying levels of stereotypes and prejudices about mental illness and how it is treated in different cultures, it is interesting to compare the experience of dealing with stigma in several countries. This study examines the influence of the cultural context on the experience of stigmatization of students from St. Petersburg and Helsinki. Data collection was carried out in 2019-2020 using in-depth interviews and autobiographies. The diversification of collection methods has increased the response of informants in Finland. The analysis of the obtained data 183 was carried out using the Uwe Flick thematic coding technique which was developed to compare two or more groups of informants. The results of the study showed that the Finnish socio-cultural context was more friendly towards students with depression: participants from Helsinki noted a decrease in stigma around this condition in recent years. Seeking professional help was a way to reduce stigma by showing others that they are fighting the disease. In St. Petersburg, students feared the stigma associated with seeking medical help and put off going to a therapist. It was more difficult for them than for Finnish students to tell their relatives about their condition. In revealing the fact of depression to others, participants from St. Petersburg used various strategies to combat stigma.

The article is devoted to the description and classification of causes for the emergence and increase of social movements in the context of the spread of internet networks. The article identified five groups of causes for emergence and development of social movements at three levels of social studies. The author identifies functional causes at the macrolevel of analysis, structural and spaсe conditions that provide a field of opportunities for protest activity, and psychological and ideological reasons that motivate participants of social movements at the microlevel. The article divides the highlighted causes into five themes, each of which correlates to relevant classical scholars of the XIX century: a) Durkheim’s theme — communicative space; b) Tönnies’ theme — mental motivation; c) Marx’s theme — “objective” structural strain in society; d) Weber’s theme — changing the structure of political opportunities; e) the theme of Saint-Simon and Comte — ideological motivation. The article describes the reasons for emergence and growth of social movements and cites classical studies of social movements and modern Internet Studies, in which these reasons were described. The designated themes are a coordinate grid that allows researchers to determine the causes of emergence and development of social movements. In particular social movements, one or more causes may prevail or, on the contrary, exert a comparatively minor influence. Nevertheless, none of the groups of causes, taken separately, are a sufficient basis for the growth of social movements and protest activity, therefore, each reason must be considered in the study of social movements.

The article examines the representations of the “diaspora” in texts published on “migrant” digital communication platforms. With the help of discourse analysis The messages posted in open access in thematic groups in VKontakte, Odnoklassniki, and Telegram channels were studied. The purpose of the study was to find out what meanings and functions the users of these sites give the word “diasporas”. The “Diaspora” was considered as single framework. It was assumed that the “diaspora” does not have a clear, fixed content and various actors are trying to turn it from an “element” into a “moment”, securing a certain meaning for it. More than a thousand messages found on “migrant” sites were analyzed. The study showed that the “diaspora” within the considered digital platforms is most often mentioned in the reposts of press releases of state and public organizations, where it is presented as an object of social action, an intermediary between migrants and the state. In these texts, the “diaspora” is represented in the same semantic row with various state authorities and their representatives. At the same time, the “diaspora” is defined as a participant in events organized by the state bureaucracy of the host country or the donor country, the purpose of which is the manifestation of ethnicity. In user comments, these values are disputed: people either doubt its existence or its ability to effectively solve their problems.

This text was conceived as an attempt to describe the organizational field of veterinary medicine of companion animals in Russia and its impact on the processes of formation of the profession of veterinarians of companion animals as a separate professional group. Having emerged in the early 1990s in Russia as a separate branch of veterinary medicine, veterinary medicine of companion aimals has gone from intuitive practices of treating dogs and cats to a complex organizational field with many actors. Despite such rapid development, this area, unlike agricultural veterinary medicine, still considerably lacks strong institutional regulation. The profession of a veterinarian of companion animals does not live in the conventional continental model of professionalization for our region but it is market–oriented and develops through the veterinarians’ own efforts while they do not exist outside veterinary clinics — their own organizational field. The article 248 offers a description of this organizational field and analyzes the influence of its structure on the processes of professionalization of veterinarians of companion animals.